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 5之3 |
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作者/Robert L. Chard |
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A principal feature of late imperial martiality is the awareness of and interest in martial arts at the popular level. Sophistication in fighting techniques is evident from pre-Qin times, originally focused on the sword (jian 劍). From Six Dynasties times onward a greater profusion of weapons and empty-handed techniques developed, spurred on in part by contacts with non-Chinese peoples. Documentary evidence from the Song shows that martial arts were widely known, at least within urban society. Sources such as the Meng liang lu 夢粱錄 and Wulin jiu shi 武林舊事 record street performances of armed and empty-hand fighting techniques by both men and women, and there were organizations (she 社) dedicated to martial arts training. These and other sources mention popular sayings which refer to the martial arts, and the names of particular fighters (often with descriptive nicknames like those found in wuxia novels today) who had achieved reputations for consummate skill. Oral anecdotes detailing deeds of chivalry and fighting skill little different from fictional accounts were recorded in collections such as the Yijian zhi 夷堅志. By Ming times various of the prominent martial arts schools had appeared, such as the Shaolin 少林 and Wudang 武當. The spread of martial arts among the general population was a cause of concern for the authorities. In 1263 the Yuan court prohibited the teaching and practice of martial arts among the 𢖯eople” (minjian 民間); similar measures were adopted during the Ming and Qing. There is no indication that these laws were effectively enforced. Even more relevant to the phenomenon of local militarization is the appearance of various 𦽳ocieties” (she 社 or shehui 社會) of a martial nature. There were 𠐓ow and Arrow Societies” (gongjian she 弓箭社), local associations formed for defense in frontier areas (again I suspect similar organizations existed long before the Song); these kept stores of weapons, and appointed leaders to impart military training to their members. There were also urban societies dedicated to particular forms of martial arts, including archery, the staff, and various forms of unarmed fighting techniques. Much larger in scope were the secret societies, such as the White Lotus (Bailian jiao 白蓮教) and Heaven and Earth (Tiandi hui 天地會), which became so prominent in the Ming and Qing periods. These were fundamentally martial as well as religious in nature, and were a significant component of unofficial militarism during this time. Also significant was the vast underworld of criminals, assassins, fugitives, robbers, and bandits: many of these were highly skilled fighters, and they often banded together to form locally-based armed organizations. The definition of a 弎andit” is of course a subjective one. It is not easy to distinguish between genuine criminals and chivalrous heroes at odds with the law; there are also records of 𩂈ighteous robbers,” Robin Hood-like figures who took from the rich to give to the poor. The threat of brigands and highwaymen sparked off an industry of armed bodyguards and escorts (biaoshi 鏢師 or biaoke 鏢客) who defended wealthy travellers and merchant convoys. Viewed from a social perspective, the world of fighters, secret societies, and outlaws constituted a distinct if somewhat varied realm within society as a whole, a counterculture bound together by shared customs and values. Different parts of this counterculture world are denoted by various terms in the novels of Jin Yong and other wuxia writers: the wulin 武林, referring to the realm of fighters and martial arts; the jianghu 江湖, the realm of itinerants, including performers, healers, beggars, fortune-tellers, etc. as well as fighters; and the lulin 綠林, the world of outlaws, fugitives, and rebel bands. Common to all were the development of adept fighting skills; building up a reputation for remarkable deeds, usually linked to a descriptive nickname; a code of honor and chivalry harking back to the xia 俠 tradition of antiquity; extravagant acts of revenge and gratitude; unvarying adherence to one𠏋 word; and strong ties to friends and associates, often reinforced by oaths of brotherhood. This last feature is particularly significant as a mechanism for networking and bonding in a mode of existence where conventional family and social structures did not apply. The closest ties, those between martial arts master and student, and between fellow students of the same school, were explicitly likened to those between parent and child, and between siblings. More distant ties of friendship and association (often referred to as jiaoqing 交情 in various degrees) were also taken very seriously, an important asset in the counterculture world.
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